SOCIAL ORGANAZATION OF THE KIKUYU

In order to understand the Kikuyu society, their social organization was influenced by several factors for example their migration, settlement, interaction and absorption.

Among the kikuyu people the family was the fundamental basis of its social structure which was the based on the Mbari system(clans),while recruitment of males into corporate groups after initiation  was the basis of  the Mariika system(age-set). The Kikuyu society is characterized by its strong unity on all levels. Historically this was crucial in defensive arrangement against persistent enemies such as the Maasai therefore one finds that the society was strictly structured all the way up from family and home to the full nine clans. The council of elders Kiama presented over all issues concerning the kikuyu as a whole. All these issues need to be addressed as to fully understand the social organization of the Kikuyu people.

MIGRATION

The ancestors of the Kikuyu can be said with some certainty to have come from the north, from the region of the Nyambene hills to the northeast of Mount Kenya which was the original if not exclusives home land of all central Kenyans Bantu – speaking people, this are the Meru, Embu, Chuka, Kamba and Mbeere the people are believed to have arrived in the hills as early as the 1200s. From where they came, is a matter subject to a lot of controversy that is speculation based on few facts. One theory argues that they came from the mythical Shungwaya presumably in Somalia. The other main theory posts that they come from the west having splits from the proto-bantu of central Africa.¹

¹Jens Finke. ‘Jen Finke’s Traditional music and culture of Kenya ’.<http:www.blegecko.org/Kenya.htm>

2 May 1998[accessed 26 June].

Whatever their early origin, its accepted that starting from around the 1500 the ancestors

Of the Kikuyu, Meru, Kamba, Embu, and Chuka began moving south into the richer foothills of Mount Kenya. By early 1600s they were concentrated at Ithanga, 80km south

East of the mountains peak at the confluence of the Thika and Sagana rivers.

As Ithanga’s population increased, all the tribes inhabiting it began to move out in different directions, eventually becoming separate and independent tribes that they exist today. The kikuyu themselves moved west to a place near present day Murang’a from where the kikuyu creator myth picks up.

CREATION MYTH – MUKURWE WA GATHANGA

                After separation, the kikuyu became an independent people with their own and unique sense of identity.Its fairly and clearly stated in oral traditions, which says that the founder of the Kikuyu was a man named Gikuyu. Kikuyu history says that the kikuyu God Ngai, took Gikuyu on to the top of Mt  Kirinyanga and told him to stay and build his home there . The place he settled was full of wild fig trees (sacred among many Kenyan people not just Bantus) and was called Mukurwe wa Gathanga which loosely translated the Kikuyu garden of Eden. Gikuyu was given a wife Mumbi. Together Mumbi and Gikuyu had nine daughters. There was actually a tenth daughter, but the kikuyu considered to be bad luck to say the number ten when counting they used “full nine” instead of ten.

It was from the nine daughters that the nine (occasionally a ten) Kikuyu clans

were based. Achera, Agachiku, Airimu, Ambui, Angare, Anjiru, Angui, Aithaga and Aitherandu were formed²

CONSOLIDATION AND EXPANSION

As the Kikuyu spread out, they had to adapt and adopt in terms of territorial expansion.

They were by far the most successful of the groups that had originally migrated south from the Nyambene hills relying on a combination of land purchase. Blood brotherhood

(partnerships) intermarriages with other groups and their adoption and absorption. Only occasionally did warfare figure in their expansion for example in early 1800 when a combined Kikuyu, Maasai and Athi forces defeated the hunter-gathering Gumba people, which one of the kikuyu legend refers to as pygmies.

The original inhabitants of Kikuyu land, its said they were the Thagicu who practiced iron – working, herded cattle, sheep and goats. They also hunted. The similarity in names between Thagicu and Kikuyu would only suggest that they were in fact the

Kikuyu’s earliest known ancestors, if not their primary lineage. Sources differ on the ethnic identity of the Thagicu, some say they were Bantu speaking, others that they came from Cushitic people.

                As the land was fertile and ideally suited the agriculture, the population increased rapidly causing other waves of migration which lasted until the eighteenth century. They moved west in to the Nyandarua mountains, south to the present site of

Nairobi and north

²Jomo Kenyatta. Facing Mount Kenya 1938. Heinemenenn Kenya. Pp¹-13

to the Nyeri plains and the Laikipia plateau where the kikuyu came in to contact with cattle herding Maasai. The Kikuyu were neither conquered nor assimilated by them but instead engaged in trade (as well as sporadic cattle raiding) which led to a deep and long lasting social interaction which especially affected the kikuyu socially.³

          During the Maasai civil wars at the end of the nineteenth century, hundreds of Maasai refugees were taken in and adopted by the kikuyu particularly those in Kiambu.

          In consequence, Nilotic social traits such as circumcision, clictoridectomy and the age set system were adopted: the taboo against eating fish was also accepted, also they intermarried such that more than half of the kikuyu of some districts are believed to have Maasai blood in their veins (including Jomo Kenyatta himself whose paternal grandmother was Maasai) from other groups came loan words for ceremonial dances plants and animals and the concept of irrigation as an agricultural technique. For example the Kikuyu word for Maasai is Ugabi.

           Although the kikuyu were formidable fighting force, the agricultural nature of their lives meant that violence was generally only used for defence for they lacked the mobility of pastoralists such as the Maasai and Samburu who lived to the north and west.

Geographically the Kikuyu were relatively well protected, with the Ngong hills to the south, the Nyandarua Mountains to the West and Mount Kenya to the northeast. To the east, also were the related Meru, Embu and Kamba people with whom relations were generally friendly, replying as they did on their trade with the kikuyu.

Defence was thus a primary concern only in the West, where the Kikuyu were wary

of settling  or venturing out onto open plains for fear of the Maasai, who were interested

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³ H.E Lambert. Kikuyu Social And Political Institution. Oxford U Press. 1956.pp¹-32

In controlling the widest possible areas for their herds. Greater defense was necessary only close to the Masaai border, with the result that villages were built into forests, for maximum protection.⁴

SOCIAL STRUCTURE

By the end of the nineteenth century Kikiyu society was patriarchal (male dominated) and highly uncentralized. The family was the fundamental basis of its social structure.

The kikuyu man is referred to as “Muthuri” (meaning someone who can choose or discern evil from good) and the kikuyu woman is Mutumia (meaning someone who retains family secrets and practice) among the kikuyu marriage rendered a man an elder, a dowry was a must pay to the family of the bride. The man could marry as many wives as he could afford, polygamy was determined by the wealth one had. The marriage was a process that involved the whole clan (Mbari) since inter-clan marriage was prohibited. Before the marriage took place; there were negotiations before it could be formalized. Investigations were undertaken by both the groom and the bride sides to determine the character traits and family lineage of the prospective spouse. Once the marriage took place, the wife is given her won dwelling place and a piece of land. The wedding ceremonies was marked over a period of days usually, involved several process for example songs, dance and merry- making characterized the ceremonies.

             The family lived in a homestead with several huts for different family members these huts were constructed so that during the cold season the interior would be warm,

⁴Godfrey Muriuki. History of the Kikuyu 1500-1900. Oxford University Press.1956.pp^62-80

While in hot season the hut would be cool. The husbands hut was called “Thingira” and that’s where they called their children in for instructions on family norms and traditions, also he would call wives for serious family discussions.⁵

        Each wife had her own hut where she and her children slept. After boys were circumcised (at puberty) they moved out of their mothers hut into young men’s hut. After their initiation, the father would invite his age mates  of his Riika (age group) to a home of traditional beer (Njohi) called “Muratina” an alcoholic drink made from sugarcane and the Muratina fruit.

          The kikuyu had a systematic method of family planning. The father would only have another child with his wife after her youngest child was at age, where the mother could send them to look after the family herds of goats, a practice called (Gathii Ruuru)

Ruuru is a collection of goats and sheep, commonly referred as herding.

           In Kikuyu land there is a very diverse history of how people lived one is the form of entertainment in those days. The young ladies and men could travel to isolated areas for dance and feasting. Discipline however was observed and no man was supposed to touch a lady sexually. The young men only enjoyed the dance and they had the chance to mingle with the beautiful young ladies who would eventually become their suitors.

The common dances were Nguchu, Nduumo, Mogoiyo and Ndachi ya Irua (circumcision dance) at the dances the grandmothers had a critical role of checking if any man unwound the inner garments of the young ladies. The garment was called Muthuru,the grandmother (Macucu) tied it safely to protect any promiscuity in young women.

^{____________________________________________}

⁵Kriss Hopp. The Kikiyu People of Kenya.’>www.calebprojec.org/21.htm.>25 March

2000.[accessed 27 June 2008].

Women who engaged in sex before marriage or got pregnant could only be married as a second wife and were commonly referred to as (Gochokio), therefore the Kikuyu customs valued the chasity of unmarried women and protected young women against abuse. Also it ensured some form of entertainment was prepared and young people carried forward the practice from generation to generation.⁶

Among the Kikuyu each (Mbari) owned allegiance and loyalty to a much wider community. Each Mbari traced its origin to ones of the ten Kikuyu clans and hence regarded itself a direct descendant of the mythical ancestors of the Kikuyu people,Gikuyu and his wife Mumbi. The allegiance and loyalty fostered solidarity and unity within the Kikuyu community especially when they were deep internal crisis, or when faced by external threats.

To ensure the smooth running of Mbari affairs each family (Nyumba) was regarded as a social and administrative unit under the headships of the father.

Incase the father was absent or dead, his duties, devolved upon the eldest son or the eldest son of the senior wife in an extended family

            The head of the (Nyumba) was supreme in all family affairs, although if he was the son, he would normally consult his brothers or the other close relatives before executing important matters. Clan affairs on the other hand were coordinated by a Mbari council comprised of all the initiated males who had attained elder status.

The council was headed by a  “Muramati” (guardian) whose primary duty was to regulate the day to day affairs of the Mbari; such as mediating or more important being its

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⁶Wanjau wa Gakara. Mau Mau Author In Detention. Translaanted by Paul Ngigi Noroge. Heinemann

Kenya Limited. 1988.pp10-26

Spokesman. In intra-Mbari affairs it was Mumarati too who administered to Mbari land as well as called the Mbari council when the need arose.

       A Muramati was normally the eldest son from the senior houseline (Githaku) although a junior but more capable man from the other (Ithaku) could also be appointed.

They were social factors that contributed to wider integration among the kikuyu such as the organization of initiation rites and public sacrifices and prayers. This were deemed, for the general welfare of the community at various times, for instance sacrifices for rain, in times of drought or the libations poured at the beginning of the planting season and harvesting of the first fruits.

            The affiliation to the house of Mumbi led to the institutionalized “Marika” system that cut across lineage and territorial groupings. This aspect of the Marika contributed most to the bond, that linked up all the kikuyu and made them feel they were single people.

               The kikuyu ascribed a role, status to each individual according to age, for example (Ciana) children (Mumo) young initiates (Anake) warriors (Athuri) elders had each an assigned part to play in society.

               The males, especially passed from childhood to old age through a prescribed patterns, but the most significant, was circumcision and the attendant grouping of the initiates into age groups or sets.

              Each age set was given a name which was distinct and institutionalized and consisted of both boys and girls initiated at any given time who remained members of it through out their lives. According to the kikuyu, age system the word Riika means generation; they were charged with the responsibility of running the tribal affairs at any given time and whose term of office began with the distinctive handling over ceremony the (Ithuka)

This took place every thirty to forty years during which one generation handed over to its successor, the rein of power to conduct the political, judicial and religious functions⁷

           The two moieties were Mwangi and Maina and members were recruited according to birth. Sons were born into their grandfather moiety; especially the first born sons and named after them. This developed a deep mutual attachment and affection between grandfather and grandson.

     The only criteria for membership in the Riika system was circumcision. The initiates were grouped into sets to form a contingent of an army which may have been the name of one of the initiation sets. Normally it was the first one to be initiated. Unlike the boys who underwent a (Muhingo) closed period where no initiation took place, girls – were initiated every year. When their initiation coincided with that of the boys they acquired the same (Irua) circumcision name as the boys.

           But on those occasions when initiation was exclusively female in composition, it was given an individual name which distinguished it from all the others. The initiation dramatized the transition of an individual from childhood to adulthood. Also the rite went hand in hand with (Kuumithio) instructions, which were of educational aspect.

The instruction served as the main educational channels in Kikuyu society. This education was both practical and theoretical and covered such fields as tribal traditions, religion, folklore, mode of behavior and the duties of adults, taboos and sed.

            The young male initiates became members of the warrior group, whose purpose was to defend the country. There existed two groups of warriors. Junior and senior warriors,

Who worked together with the remnants of the retrieved regiment who had not yet been

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⁷Godfrey Muriuki.History of The Kikuyu 1500-1900.Oxford University Press.1956.pp80-100

fully absorbed into the elder group, they also had vast experience and knowledge and acted as advisors.

      The senior warriors did not relinquish their responsibility, until they were certain that the junior were experienced enough to take over. The change took about fourteen years, to form a new warrior group.

     The period of formation consisted of five or nine years of closed period and nine to five years of pupilage as juniors warriors respectively. A part from military services, the warrior  corps formed a reservoir able bodied men for performing other public functions such as acted as executive officers to the elders, policing duties in the market and during festivals and arrest of habitual criminals.

    Despite the enormous power and privileges in the hands of the warriors. They were on the whole adequately controlled. They were directly governed by their own council. The council laws headed by a Muthamaki. His role was to control and supervise their welfare activities; to reprimand wrongdoers and also assemble the warriors when necessary.

Unlike their male counterparts girls were not organized into regiment. Nevertheless they were divided into junior and senior warriors with whom they associated junior girls had to pay a fee in order to be admitted to the ranks of the senior girls.

     Senior girls had the duty to instruct juniors in order to ensure that they did not act in a manner that would disgrace the girls as a group, such instruction included what was considered to be proper behavior becoming of girls, their relationship between themselves and the warriors. Also how to perform specific tasks such as looking after

children and most important sex  education. Among the women also there was a rigid code of behavior and culprits were punished by fines⁸

     When the junior warriors came of age, their seniors were expected to terminate active military service and there after to marry, which was a necessary qualification for admission to the nest stage of  their life, the council of elders or (Kiama)

The kiama was the highest authority in the land, vested with legislative, executive and judicial functions. The Kiama could be sub – divided into several sections based on its functions.

    Some elders by talent and inclination were proficient in judicial as religious affairs.

Special qualification were necessary before an elder could be permitted to officiate in religious rites for instance they carried Maturanguru leaves as a symbol of office also they were the only (Athuri) permitted to wear earrings. Their duty was to officiate in all public rites and prayers to Ngai on such occasions as praying for rains,planting and harvesting ceremonies or when conducting cleansing rites in times of adversity.

     The most significant function of that council was administration of justice. This was carried out through arbitration by a court of the Kiama assessors. The primary purpose of the judicial process was to maintain peace and stability in society. Under the customary law, there was no imprisonment, compensation being the main methods of conducting most litigation

Within the kinship group, the settlement of disputes was the responsibility of the head of the family Muramati. When an aggrieved party felt dissatisfied with the verdict,

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⁸Ibid.,pp^101-128

he/she could appeal and the case was heard all over again. In such cases the elders who heard the case initially co-opted other Athamaki from other villages, who requested to attend on an individual basis, those being no distinctions between the elders who

constituted to village¹⁰

              After the pronouncement of the judgment, the guilt party was expected to pay compensation, within two days. The elders could resort to religious sanctions with dire consequences when one failed to honor the verdict passed.

To conclude, social organization or structure among the kikuyu was based on descent groups and the age system or Marrika. This were the fundamental principles of its social structure, while the recruitment of males into corporate groups through initiation was for socio – political organization.